In this report I gather, narrate, explain and comment about the facts and figures of the balance sheet of the one-year Ethiopian invasion and occupation’s war mass genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity and assisted its pick-aback TFG with military, financial, political, diplomatic and information assistance and support by different international actors (governments, regional and international organisations). The content of the report is made up of the following sections:-

Content Page

1. Introduction - 1-4
2. Changing World Opinion and Worst Humanitarian
Crisis - 4-10
3. Balance Sheet of One-year Ethiopian Occupation - 10-18
4. Hierarchical Order of the Commission or omission
of War Crimes in Somalia - 10-18
5. The TFG – a Trojan Horse for the Ethiopian Occupation - 18-25
6. Involved International Actors: US, UN, EU, AU, Arab
League, Etc. Inaction and Complicity - 25-35
7. US-Ethiopian-Kenyan Tripartite Alliance Against Somalia- 35-40
8. Somali people’s national Resistance Against Ethiopian
Occupation -40-58
9. Recommendations to All Sides -58-64

1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Ethiopian Occupation of Somalia is Black Page History

As remembered, in blatant violation of the UN Charter and UN Security Council’s Resolution 1725 (6 December 2006) and AU Charter, the Ethiopian regime invaded Somalia and conquered its capital Mogadishu in December 2006. After weeks of skirmishes between the Somali Council of Islamic Courts (SCIC) fighters and the Ethiopian piggy-back ‘Somali Transitional Federal Government’ (TFG) militias along the Buur Hakaba and Daynunay road; from the 20th of the same month the Ethiopian army, assisted by these militias launched its full-scale aggressive and illegal invasion on Somalia first attacking on the positions of the SCIC fighters at Daynuunay and Idaale (two villages south-east and west of Baidoa). On 23rd the Ethiopian ground forces supported by helicopter and jet-fighters flying from Galkayo airport helped by some pro-TFG militias invaded the SCIC fighters’ positions in the central regions along the main Bandiiradley-Beletweyne road. After a week of fierce fighting and heavy casualties on both sides, the SCIC led heroic resistance fighters took a tactical retreat after being outnumbered and out-gunned by the invading army. Thus, on the 28th of the month, with zeal of centuries old vengeance and pride the enemy army marched into Mogadishu - the capital of Somalia, under the cover-name of the treacherous TFG. This was a deeply humiliating, painful, and black day in the history of Somalia. But the worst was still to come, namely, premeditated mass genocide, mass displacement, massive destruction of the city and its economy, and mass collective punishment of starvation of the population to cause the maximum genocide and displacement of the estimated one million and half population of Mogadishu. This black page must have been challenged, erasing from our history and re-written with citations of victory. That was why such challenge or the national resistance against these inimical and humiliating occupation started within a couple of weeks by Somali heroic fighters – a national and patriotic resistance which has been growing from strength to strength during this one year occupation (December 2006 to December 2007) while dealing heavy blows with the enemy and bogging it down in five to six kilometres area in Mogadishu – a defeat and quagmire it never imagined.

In early January 2007 Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, announced that he would withdraw his troops from Somalia within few weeks and it is now over a year without any troop pullout or timetable for it. In this connection, On 3rd December 2006 before the invasion took place, in my article ‘Foreign Intervention Will Unify the Somalis and Widen the Conflict’, I predicated that Somalis would put a fierce national resistance through guerrilla warfare tactics, the enemy would suffer from heavy losses, in response it would destroy the city and economic mainstays (especially the main Barakaha Market – the main financial and stock centre) with bombardments, the conflict would spill over to the whole region, and then the enemy would be defeated. Exactly almost all these predictions have happened or are happening.

1.2 Ethiopian Occupation ‘Troop Surge’ And New Barbaric Killing Methods

Imitating the American ‘Troop Surge’ in Iraq, at the end of October and beginning of November 2007 the Ethiopian regime has deployed more thousands of troops with heavy war machinery (tanks, field artillery) to Mogadishu in addition to the 50,000 or so troops already there bringing the total occupation troops to 56,000 men (1) to choke the city with troops and to replace the displaced population, terrorise and subdue the remaining residents by sheer numbers and brute force. The newly deployed troops came up with new terrorising but efficient tactics of speeding up the mass genocide alongside the daily indiscriminate bombardment on civilian areas, bullet spray on crowds in markets and on the streets, that include breaking into civilian homes and decapitating or slitting the throat with sharpened bayonets or daggers of anyone they find and sniping to kill innocent people at sight from roof tops or windows of the homes they evicted thousands of families. On 8-9/11/2007 over 100 people mostly women, children, elderly, sick and unarmed men in Hawlwadag, Heliwaa, Wardhiigley districts and other parts of the city were slain in such barbaric way (2). Also enemy troops increased the dose of deliberate bombarding on residential civilian areas which never stopped. In these egregious methods hundreds of civilians including the entire members of families have been wiped out. For example, on 9/11/2007 nine family members were exterminated with artillery shelling. The reason they resort to such despicable genocidal methods is out of desperate and sensation of defeat to terrorise the remaining population to give up or flee. Again on 13/12/200 Ethiopian troops bombarded the main Mogadishu Bakaraha Market at its busiest hour killing 42 and injuring 55 civilians with mortal wounds. To distort this deadly incident and mislead world opinion, the Ethiopian government responded that they killed 75 seven members of a ‘terrorist group’ called ‘Shabab’. This is new cheap tactics on the part of Ethiopian government to massacre Somali civilians in the name of some underground elements which they cannot lay hands on. What has been going on before, during these months and after is a calculated Rwanda-style genocide. Reports say that these new butcher troops are those who carried out similar massive war crimes and human rights violations in the Somali inhabited region under Ethiopia (Ogaden).

This predatory, destroyer, killer, rapist, looter and scavenger Ethiopian occupation is a proxy war that the Americans actively support in military, political, economic, diplomatic and legal terms. So the question arises, where do such barbaric genocide and war crimes fit into the democratic freedoms and human rights values that the Americans and the rest of the western world profess and preach to the world? The American Administration and its diplomats dealing with Somali affairs do not obviously care or feel the evilness of these horrendous crimes committed and still being committed Ethiopian troops and humanitarian catastrophe they created. On the contrary, they are reticent, show no human mercy about that, deny the facts when asked, evade from answering questions, working behind the scenes and conspiring with Ethiopians and others in conducting this devastating war. This is an ostrich-like tactics that convinces none and infuriates the Somalis. The stated US objectives were to find ‘three US wanted foreign terrorists hide in Somalia’, fight alleged ‘Islamic terrorism and ‘Al-qaeda presence in Somalia’ which ‘threaten neighbouring countries’ and ‘world security’ and ‘help the TFG to establish security in the country’. What were the declared Ethiopian objectives? While concurring with these US assertions for reasons of political convenience, as I argued in my 12 January 2007 article: ‘Ethiopian Dreams to Conquer Somalia Came Through’ the Ethiopian regime’s invasion and occupation had and still has ulterior motives: making revenge by carrying out mass genocide mass economic destruction and mass displacement as it did since then; division of Somalia into many weak vassal regions in perpetual conflict and under Ethiopian control and lastly to annex sea outlet from Somali coast (most probably the Loyado-Zeila-Lughaye-Bulhar-Berbera coastline). Therefore Ethiopian regime’s intention was neither to help Somali TFG to assert its control in the country nor to withdraw its troops in any short and given time nor to cease with its military interventions and exclusive manipulations of Somali politics to the detriment of Somali nation unless the Somalis unite and compel these troops to go home and foil these sinister designs against their country with or without international help.

 

2. CHANGING WORLD OPINION AND WORST HUMANITARIAN CRISIS

2.1 Changing World Opinion

In the main the western media agencies and reporters are still supportive of the ‘War on terror’ in Somalia by blocking or sanitising the news about the ongoing war crimes and deflect the blame from the Ethiopian occupation and its TFG piggy-back, and portray the Somali insurgents or freedom fighters as the bogeyman. For example, AFP wrote ‘The deadly insurgency has forced hundreds of thousands of people to leave Mogadishu in recent months’ (3). However some of the western reporters, academics, commentators and prominent individuals changed their attitudes and views on such occupation and its gross humanitarian law and human rights violations. Here are a few examples of the many comments and opinions about the horrible crimes and failure of the Ethiopian occupation authorities and their client TFG. The Economist wrote ‘Somalia is still a failed state’ (4). The Guardian revealed ‘Britain should reassess its support for a warlord who has brought mayhem and havoc back to the streets of Mogadishu.’ ‘Eleven months after inviting the Ethiopian army into Somalia, the transitional federal government - which is neither transitional, nor federal nor government - is wreaking savage revenge on a population whether or not it shelters insurgents’. ‘People who have fled the Capital this year and it amounts to humanitarian disaster that rivals or exceeds Darfur’ The paper continued ‘Somalia’s transitional president, Abdullahi Yusuf, a British- and US-backed warlord, wants the city to empty (53).

Pope Paul Benedict ‘appealed to those who have responsibility, at the local and international level, to seek peaceful solutions to bring relief to that dear population’ (6) Steve Grawshaw, Human rights law, wrote ‘key governments are ignoring the rampant human rights abuses in Somalia at their own peril. Their inactions is catastrophe for victims today, and it’s also likely to radicalise younger Somalis and create tomorrow’s fighters.’(7) Former high British official (8) declared ‘The core problems is that Somalis where were appalled to see Ethiopians troops in the streets of their capital. What can of government, they asked, needed to the protection of a foreign protection force against its own citizens?’ and concluded ‘We cannot say we were not warned. Six months ago the UN’s head of humanitarian affairs highlighted the deplorable conditions of the displaced. He observed that more people had been displaced from Mogadishu in previous two months than anywhere else in the world, and that a political solution was the only way to resolve the crisis. Otherwise I fear the worst’. The worst has come now come. What are we waiting for?

Dr. David Shinn thought ‘a lot people are surprised that the Ethiopians are still trying to figure out how to get out of Somalia. I’m convinced they’d very much like to like but feel they they’re sort of suck. … The situation on the round is very difficult and has not really improved … Because I don’t think there anyone has very serious about trying to achieve a political solution on any side of the issue’ (9).

2.2 Worst Humanitarian Crisis and Concern by Humanitarian and Human Rights Agencies

During 2007, the UN Secretary-General, Security Council, the US, AU and International Contact Group on Somalia remained silent on the Ethiopian
invasion and occupation and its war crimes and humanitarian disaster it created in with client Somali TFG collaborators. Only some EU member states, individual officials, local and international humanitarian and human rights organisations spoke about such crimes and humanitarian catastrophe. Some UN agencies of UNICEF, WFP and OCHA have also spoken out about the humanitarian crisis often following the lead, in most cases, of the other Non-INGOs and human rights organisations.

After the March-April 2007 Ethiopian army’s massive deliberate and indiscriminate bombardments on civilian built-up residential areas that caused the greatest exodus of IDPs (internally displaced persons) from Mogadishu (over 500,000), six INGOs (Oxfam, MSF, Care, UNICEF, etc.) based in Nairobi raised their concern for the humanitarian disaster that had unfolded. In the first week of May 2007, Richard Hands, an EU official based in Nairobi, Kenya, was the first to lift the veil of secrecy off the war crimes going on in Mogadishu by writing to his Nairobi Chief ‘there are strong grounds to believe that the Ethiopian government and the transitional federal government of Somalia and the African Union (peacekeeping) Force Commander, possibly also including the African Union Head of Mission and other African Union officials have through commission or omission violated the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court . . . In regard to the above mentioned potential violations of international law there arise urgent questions of responsibility and potential complicity in the commission of war crimes by the European and its partners’.

Prompted by NGOs’ alarming reports and this revelation of war crimes by EU official, the UN Under-Secretary-General Humanitarian Affairs after his visit to Mogadishu on the earlier day declared on 13/5/2007 that ‘In terms of numbers and access to them Somalia is a worse displacement crisis than Darfur or Chad or anywhere else this year (10). This was the first serious UN disclosure to the world of the humanitarian crisis in Somalia that was deliberately covered up by the Ethiopian government and its TFG collaborators. Since then, the Somali humanitarian situation has been worsening beyond description. John Holmes’ breaking statement was coincided by the Human Rights Watch (USA)131 page Report on 14 August 2007 entitled ‘Somalia: shell-Shocked: Civilians Under Siege in Mogadishu’ that meticulously registered on daily basis the facts and figures of the genocide, war crimes committed and human rights violations by the said occupation troops and their client TFG militias. This report was a bomb bombshell which divulged the hitherto closely guarded secrecy of these war crimes and the resultant appalling humanitarian situation.

To give you some idea of the contents of that voluminous report and the awful details of genocide and other war crimes contained therein, the Report displays on its first page a map of the city of Mogadishu with images of rockets and field artillery shells flying over the city: BM-21 Multiple-rocket launchers (Katyusha), M-30 and D-30 field artillery shells, T55 tank shells, 120m mortar shells, etc - types of weapons forbidden by international humanitarian law to be deployed and used on civilian areas and targets which have been rained (and still rain) deliberately and indiscriminately on many built-up civilian residential districts of Mogadishu by the Ethiopian troops. The Report also provides the details of daily human casualties (deaths and injuries) and material damages especially the intentional attacks and destruction on the most modern and well equipped hospitals (e.g. Al-Araft, Al-Hayat, and SOS) which put them beyond use. The Report says ‘Many wounded people had to wait until days to even try to access hospitals, sometimes in wheel-barrows, donkeys, or carried by family, friends and neighbours’ and ‘most patients die when wounded, and the worst of it is that patients can’t make it to the hospital after being wounded’. These hospitals cared the health of the majority of the nearly two million Mogadishu residents especially at a critical time when thousands of wounded patients needed them most. It also provides details of wounded civilian patients either taken out of the hospitals and disappeared or hindered to have access to medical care at the remaining three hospitals (Medina, Dayniile, Keysaney) owing to military interferences and disruption of the work of these hospitals.

The Report bluntly accuses the Ethiopian government and its troops, the TFG leadership and its militias for committing genocide and war crimes while it extends the accusation to the insurgents (national resistance fighters) understandably for reasons of neutrality and balance although the insurgents have every inherent and legal right to resist against Ethiopian occupation troops and their Somali TFG lackeys by defending their national independence, faith, lives, properties, families and dignity. The report details arbitrary arrests and detention of civilians without due legal process, rampant shoot to kill, summary executions, torture, rape, extortion, ransom, looting and robbing and destroying private properties. Finally, the Report made many recommendations to the various parties involved from which I take only one or two short paragraphs for each of the parties concerned for reasons of space:-

a) to the TFG, to ‘immediately issue clear public orders to all its security forces to cease attacks and mistreatment on civilians and looting their of civilians properties, and ensure that detainees have access to family members, legal counsel, and adequate medical care while in detention. And ‘Ensure humanitarian assistance to all civilians in need, including by facilitating the access of humanitarian agencies to all displaced persons in and around Mogadishu.’

b)to the Government of Ethiopia: to ‘cease all attacks that deliberately target civilians and cease using means and methods of combat that cannot discriminate between civilians and military objectives. Civilian objects such as schools, hospitals, and homes must not be attacked unless currently being used for military purposes.’

c) to the Groups comprising the Insurgency: to ’cease all attacks on civilian and civilian objects, including government officials and employees not directly participating in the hostilities. Cease all attacks that cause indiscriminate or disproportionate harm to civilians or civilian objects, including attacks in crowded civilian areas, such as busy roads, village or city streets, markets, or other public gathering places.’

d) to the EU, EC, UN Security Council, AU, AL, and USA: to ‘publicly condemn the serious abuses of international human rights and humanitarian law committed by all parties to the conflict in Mogadishu in 2007, and call on the Ethiopian government and the Transitional federal Government of Somalia to take all necessary steps, including public action, to ensure that their forces cease abuses against civilians.’ And ‘Support measures to promote accountability and impunity for serious crimes in Somalia, including through the establishment of an independent United Nations panel of experts to investigate and map serious crimes and recommend further measures to improve accountability.’

Did any one of these parties heed or take any step about these clear and cut recommendations? No, Absolutely. Contrariwise, the writer of the Report, Mr. Ken Roth, Director of Human Rights Watch (USA), was strongly criticized and his report was denied and dismissed as an exaggeration by the Ethiopian regime, TFG leaders and supporting powers for divulging the closely guarded secrecy of such horrendous crimes. But on the other hand, his report was so much appreciated by the Somali people, quoted and publicised by the media that have been hitherto supportive or silent about the crimes and humanitarian tragedy. The Report earned Mr. Roth respect and admiration for his clear conscience and courage for standing up and speaking out against such commission and cover-up of such grave war crimes and crimes against humanity. Critically speaking about the UN Security Council’s failure of duty the author of the Report said ‘The UN Security Council’s indifference to this crisis has only added to the tragedy’.

There are other INGOs which break the silence and lift the veil off this conspiratorial secrecy surrounding this war and its still ongoing horrible crimes and ever escalating humanitarian catastrophe which now reached unheard and untold levels. The courageous and human rights minded INGOs that speak out and alert the disastrous humanitarian situation from time to time include the MSF. On 23/8/2007, Christopher Fourier, President of MSF International, who after having visited and surveyed the medical facilities in Mogadishu and how they were coping with the abysmal medical and healthcare situation in Mogadishu, revealed, among other deplorable things, some hidden facts concerning medical facilities and staff in Mogadishu such as that there were five hospitals, 53 doctors and 800 hospitals beds before the occupation which have been reduced to only two hospitals, 250 beds and 13 doctors in the capital city(11). Because the three main and best hospitals (Al-Arafat, Al-Hayat, and SOS) were bombarded, looted and rendered useless while the doctors and hundreds of nurses and support medical workers fled from the city or went into hiding for their own safety.

The worst humanitarian situation has been worsening to unprecedented level. On 17 October 2007 the TFG militia (of course under Ethiopian orders) forcibly detained the WFP representative in Mogadishu responsible for feeding the displaced starving families to provoke the WFP to suspend the food distribution which the latter did in protest and later on 23rd the officer was released by UN pressure. During one week of his detention and the following one 75,000 people in acute and severe humanitarian need in Afgooye Road makeshift camps and many other thousands in similar need in Mogadishu went without food while many of them must have died for starvation.

Another round of Ethiopian bombardments on the civilian people triggered new wave of 90,00 IDPS bringing Mogadishu IDPs number to 850,000 according to UN October 2007 report and country-wide 1.5 million people in severe need. This led to 40 INGOs involved in Somalia and based in Nairobi to issue on 31 October 2007 this alarming statement warning of the worst humanitarian phase that Somalia had then entered by stating, among other things, ‘There is an unfolding humanitarian catastrophe in South Central Somalia. Tens of thousands of people are currently fleeing violence in Mogadishu adding to the 335,000 people already needing immediate lifesaving assistance in Mogadishu and the Shabelle regions.’ ‘Given the severe security and access constraints, it is impossible to obtain more precise figures of the magnitude of the crisis. However, all indicators point to a deterioration of the already, dire humanitarian situation. Over 400,000 people fled violence and insecurity in Mogadishu earlier this year. After a relative lull, fighting between TFG/Ethiopian troops and anti-government forces violence has now increased again triggering another mass exodus from the city.’ And these INGOs concluded their statement by calling upon the ‘international community and all parties to the present conflict have a responsibility to protect civilians, to allow the delivery of the humanitarian aid and to respect humanitarian space and the safety of humanitarian work.’

Again the humanitarian situation developed from worst to the worst level in the whole world when during the first two weeks of November 2007 another spree of Ethiopian troops’ deliberate and indiscriminate bombardments on the city displaced 110,000 making the total IDPs from Mogadishu from February to November 2007 to 1,000, 000 IDPs according to UN report (that Somalis think an underestimation). The problem that creates this worst humanitarian crisis in the world is not only the numbers of people in dire need but that they cannot be reached and provided the necessary relief aid by the local and international humanitarian agencies due to extreme insecurity and obstruction by the Ethiopian occupation force and its auxiliary client TFG militias. That is why the UN and INGOs officials increasingly raise their voices of concern and frustration about this out-of-hand humanitarian crisis which nothing or little could be done. Worried about this unbearable situation and unable to deliver relief aid to the starving over one million Somalis because of deliberate obstruction and extreme insecurity and bleak prospect for reconciliation and peace in Somalia, John Holmes, the UN Under-secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, said ‘the window of opportunity seems to be closed’ (11). 8/11/2007 Eric Laroche, the UN Humanitarian Co-ordinator for Somalia with other humanitarian officials travelled to Baidoa and met the ‘TFG institutions’ (president, speaker, cabinet, ‘MPS) confined there under Ethiopian guard and control, and begged them ‘please have mercy for their own people dying for hunger, take some steps to lift restrictions and create security environment for the aid to reach these starving people(12) especially for 105,000 children of which 83,000 were ‘acutely malnourished’ and 13,500 where ‘severely malnourished’ back in September 2007(13) who ‘needed massive interventions’ as they ‘were at risk of death’ especially in Middle and Lower Shabelle regions. On the Contrary, the ‘MPs’ criticised and accused the international agencies for doing nothing and ignoring and by-passing the TFG authorities to have a role in the aid distribution. This complaint of the ‘MPs’ and demand on many occasions by the TFG leaders that the relief aid should come by their consent and through them is nothing else but an intention to feed it with their clannish criminal militias and cash the rest in the market for their personal use while denying of and obstructing the relief aid from the IDPs and other needy people.

Again 18/11/2007 Eric Laroche, outpouring with frustration about the ever spiralling and fast deteriorating humanitarian situation and obstruction of relief aid by the Ethiopian occupation authority and TFG and the inaction by the involved powerful foreign states, lamented ‘The worst humanitarian crisis in Africa may not be unfolding in Darfur,, but here’ continuing ‘The people here are hungry, exposed, sick and dying. And the few aid organisations are willing to brave a lawless, notoriously dangerous environment cannot keep up with their needs, like providing milk to the thousands of babies with fading heartbeats and bulging eyes. Many of these kids are going to die. We don’t have the capacity to reach them.’ He concluded with this note of complaint about the powers that be ‘If this were happening in Darfur, there would be a big fuss. But Somalia has been a forgotten emergency for years (14).’

2.3 Somali Humanitarian Situation Surpasses Darfur.

The Somali humanitarian crisis in Mogadishu and south-central regions surpassed Darfur (in Sudan) humanitarian crisis seven months ago when on 13 May 2007, John Holmes, the UN Under-Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs, declared that ‘In terms of numbers and access to them,, Somalia is a worse displacement than Darfur or Chad or anywhere else this year.’ The following comparison of facts and figures between the Somali humanitarian crisis and Darfur clearly shows that the worst humanitarian crisis exists in Somalia than Darfur or any where else in the world:-

A) Darfur(15).

- Humanitarian situation in the worst level second to Somalia;
- one billion of annual humanitarian aid budget;
- 10,000 aid workers;
- 26,000 AU/UN hybrid peace-keeping force;
- Malnutrition rate of 13%;
- Strong advocacy, political and moral support powerful western
governments, UN and INGOs, think-tanks, superrich celebrates, etc.

B) Somalia (16)

- Humanitarian situation in the worst level;
- US$275 million humanitarian aid budget in 2007 of which 72% have
received (UN Report 1November -15 December 2007);
- AU Peace keeping of 1,600 (Ugandans) of a projected 8,000 force;
- 56,000 or so Ethiopian killer, displacer, destroyer, rapist,
torturer, looter/robber, scavenger and barbaric occupier troops without accountability, transparency and with impunity;
-Malnutrition rate 19% (UN October 2007) to 21.5% (MSF) August 2007); and
- weak advocacy and support by the UN and INGOs and UN Security Council powerful western governments which either support the ongoing war crimes, condone or are silent about them.

3. ONE-YEAR BALANCE SHEET OF ETHIOPIAN OCCUPATION WAR CRIMES AND GRAVE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS

3.1 Means and Methods Used For The Genocide

During the one year (December 2006-December 2007) the Ethiopian regime pre-planned aggressive and illegal invasion, the occupation force and its Somali client TFG militias have been using deliberately and indiscriminately heavy and medium artillery and small weapons to cause mass massacres, mass destruction of the city of Mogadishu and its economy, mass displacement, mass impoverishment, and mass starvation by obstructing internal and external relief aid as a collective punishment to maximise the revenge driven intent to kill and destroy as much as possible which acts constitute such horrible crimes – as mass genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Below, I present some facts and figures - the 2007 balance sheet of Ethiopian Occupation forces war crimes assisted client the TFG militias:-

3.2 Direct Genocide

Table A shows some of the direct planned and deliberate genocide figures (not all but only those figures I could know from various sources) from 20 December 2006 to 31 December 2007 committed by the Ethiopian troops and their auxiliary TFG militias:-

Table A: Direct Method of Genocide By
Deliberate Artillery, Bullets, etc.

Source
Killed Injured Disabled
In early January 2007 Ethiopian PM Meles declared that his army illegal and aggressive offensive invasion on Somalia killed from the defensive SCIC fighters totalling 3,000 4,000 N/A

On 31/12/2007 the Mogadishu based Elman Human Rights agency publicly announced Ethiopian troops and allied TFGMilitia killed Somali civilians
totalling 6,501 (17) 8,516(17) 8,436 (18) Totals 9,501 12,516 8,436

3.3 First Indirect Method of Genocide

Table B below shows estimated figures of indirect genocide by destruction of the homes, properties and businesses and displacement of one million (source: UN) from and within Mogadishu and another half million needy people in various regions – all of them at risk to die for lack food and diseases because of the destruction of their properties, homes and basic livelihoods and obstruction of local and foreign relief aid by the Ethiopian occupation forces and the client TFG militias. Of out this one and half million needy people, the aid agencies (UNICEF, MSF) issued an alarm report in September 2007 that 105,000 under-five-year children were ‘at risk to die for malnutrition. 83,000 of them ‘acutely malnourished’ and 13,500 were ‘severely malnourished.’ These Somali under-five children and most of the other displaced needy older children and adults have the highest malnutrition rate in the world – 19% (UN) and 21.5% among the under five children (MSF) while world malnutrition threshold is 15%. How many of such one and half million people in dire need died for preventable causes of starvation and lack of medical care during 2007 as a result of the Ethiopian occupation? Nobody knows. How many women aborted due to starvation, disease and trauma causes? Nobody knows either. At only one camp, i.e., Dr. Hawo Abdi’s Care Hospital compound between Mogadishu and Afgooye which holds 24,000 people, 1,000 (a thousand) abortions have been recorded in seven months of 2007. Then, how many abortions were there among the one million IDPS from Mogadishu or of the one and half country-wide people who have been denied of relief aid food and medication while ‘a in State of Emergency Humanitarian and Acute Food and Livelihood Crisis 1’(UN). The UN estimated that more than 200,000 people died in Darfur mostly for famine but did report how many people died in Somali during 2007 for preventable famine and disease as a result of the lethal Ethiopian invasion and occupation. But you can roughly estimate the annual death rate of this aforesaid 1.5 million Somalis people in dire need and the 105,000 children ‘at risk of death’ of whom ‘only 20 percent of them were getting the necessary food’ as of 19 October 2007 (19) and have not had live–saving rescue plan. If we first take the number of 105,000 children in such life and death situation in very unsanitary environment, without medical care and highly nutritious food rescue plan, a great number of them must have already died. Let us divide the said children into two categories: 83,000‘acutely malnourished’ children and second category 13,500 ‘severely malnourished’ children. If you make a low annual estimation rate of 20 per cent death rate of category one (83,000) you get 16,600 deaths and for a low annual estimation rate of 30 per cent death rate for category two of 13,500 children you get you 4,050 deaths with a total of the two categories being 20,650 deaths during 2007. For the remaining 1,395,000 people ‘Emergency Humanitarian and Acute Food and Livelihood Crisis 1’ (UN), if you make low annual estimation rate of 10 per cent death rate you get 195,000 deaths of adults and above five-year-old children during 2007. Now add 20,650 deaths of under-fives children to 195,000 adults and above five-year-old children deaths then you get a total a total of 215,650 deaths for preventable causes of starvation, diseases, exposure to severe weather elements and trauma created by the Ethiopian occupation troops and its pick-aback TFG militias through a deliberate collective punishment of mass destruction of the wealth of the population of Mogadishu and related regions causing dispossession, loss of basic livelihoods (national and local social and welfare systems, social services, and economic activities), displacement and obstruction of local and international relief aid.

Table B: Shows a minimum estimation of Deaths out of the vulnerable 1.5 million Adults and Children During 2007 as a result of the above said indirect methods of premeditated and planned collective punishment policy by the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s Ethiopian government with the collaboration of the treacherous TFG leaders during 2007.

Category of people died for severe conditions Forced on them and prevent-
table causes Possible Death Rate Estimationof lives Lost 83,000 acutely malnourished nourished under five-year old children 20%, 16,600 13,500 severely malnourished under five-year old children 30% 4,050 1,395,000 remaining number of children and adults in dire humanitarian need 1 10%
195,000

In 2007 out of Somali Boat people 15,698 mostly fleeing from Mogadishu due to the massacres, displace and strangulation policy of Ethiopia and
TFG 1,462 drowned and died Yemeni seas* (UN 1 Nov -15 Dec 07 and media) 1,462

Total number of minimum possible estimation of lives lost from the above four categories of extremely vulnerable people due to deliberate destruction of their means of livelihoods, displacement, traumatising, and obstruction inside and outside humanitarian aid from them 215,650

Table C: Shows Totals of Table A and Table of Somali Civilians killed, injured and disabled by Ethiopian Occupation troops and TFG militias direct by direct and indirect methods during 2007 in and around Mogadishu: Killed 225,151 Injured 12,516 Maimed or disabled 8,436 3.4 Incalculable economic and Social Destruction and Grave Human Rights Violations

3.4.1 Massive Economic Destruction

In 2005 despite statelessness Somalia was economically and socially commented as ‘Somali success story’ as Somalis successfully ‘have addressed large-scale social and economic needs’ and in ‘information areas where the country is doing better than its neighbouring countries’ by the extraordinary enterprise of the Somali people and numerous emigrants sending home remittances estimated by US$1.5 million annually especially in the commercial, telecommunication sector and some to extent in public services such education and health, and Mogadishu was the epicentre of such socio-economic success (20). That socio-economic ‘Somali success story’ has been acknowledged by the World Bank has dramatically changed to a deplorable situation in which the UN in 2007 named Somalia as ‘the poorest country in the world’ for first time ever due to the one year Ethiopian Tsunami occupation.

The inimical Ethiopian troops and the client TFG militias dealt pre-planned and deliberate massive and incalculable economic and social destruction and ruination to the city of Mogadishu. Many thousands of homes have been destroyed completely or partially; countless thriving markets including the biggest famous Bakaraha Market (which was a supply source and transaction biggest emporium in all East Africa was almost destroyed with artillery shelling, arson, looting and robbery), other medium equally flourishing Markets like the Suuqa Hoolaha, Suuq Ba’ad, Suuq Sigaale, etc., many supermarkets, countless stock stores, shops, restaurants, bazaars, and popular street petty trades on which most people especially the poor masses of the city depended on their daily living and survival. The value of such pre-planned and deliberate large-scale economic destruction by the Ethiopian government troops and the Somali TFG collaborators can run into many hundreds of dollars (if not billions). Large part of this lost huge wealth have been looted, robbed, stolen or taken ransom and extortion the occupation forces and their collaborators while the owners have either been killed, illegally detained, maimed and injured, displaced, or deported to Ethiopia or other places (as people talk about many disappeared and unaccounted for people). As a result the majority of the population - one million (mostly women, children, elderly, sick, inured, deeply depressed) - became destitute and displaced ending up in makeshift outside camps, within the city or to far away regions not knowing where they can get the next meal as most of them do not or hardly get relief handouts from the UN and other humanitarian agencies who complain that they cannot reach and provide aid to these needy people for lack security or obstruction by the Ethiopian occupation forces and their allied TFG militias.
Such economic destruction has been rendered the worst by runaway inflation which almost wiped out the values of the Somali shillings making many well-to-do people bankrupt and poor masses enable to make ends meet or keep their hand to out existence due to shortage of goods and more so floods of valueless paper money printed in Puntland and introduced by the TFG and fraudulent traders to Mogadishu. The US$ fetched 1,650,000 So. Shs. In January 2007 and US$1 fetches 2,275,000 So. Shs. in January 2008. This Following Table D which compares the prices of basic stable food items in January 2007 and January 2008 is illustrative of such value decimating inflation and resultant sky-rocketing prices:-

Table D (21)

January 2007 Price of Items January 2008 Price of Items
50 kg. of sugar 200,000 So. shs. 50 kg. of Sugar 650,000 So.Shs.
50 kg. of flour 200,000 So. Shs. 50 kg. of flour 650,000 so.Shs.
50 kg. of rice 250,000 So. Shs. 50 kg. of rice 700,000 So.shs.
Carton of spaghetti 70,000 So. Shs . Carton of spaghetti 240,00o So.shs.
10 litre eating oil 300,000 So. Shs. 10 litre eating oil 540,000 So.Shs
2.5k.tin of powder milk 200,000 So. Shs 2.5k tin of powder milk 440,000 so.Shs

The Ethiopian occupation authority and the its dependent TFG have never shown concern or said a word about this economic destruction in this country in Mogadishu and the whole country especially the useless paper money which also decimated the economy in Puntland and south-central regions because the occupation troops and the TFG have a stake in the printing of this valueless paper money.

3.4.2 Massive Destruction of Social Institutions and Infrastructures

A) Destruction of Healthcare Institutions and Facilities

Many healthcare centres and medical facilities in Mogadishu have been deliberately attacked and destroyed or disrupted by the Ethiopian occupation troops and allied unruly TFG militias. For example, on 23 August 2007 MSF reported that only 250 hospital beds and 13 doctors were in the capital city while six month prior to that date there were 800 beds and 53 doctors respectively which means that by that time 40 doctors fled from the city. The most modern hospitals such as Al-Hayat, Al-Arafat, and SOS and their medical equipments have deliberate attacked and deliberately destroyed by Ethiopian troops (22). Hundreds of medical and support staff have fled or went into hiding for their safety.

In addition to that tens of outpatient clinics, MHCs, laboratories and countless pharmacies have been destroyed, looted, disrupted, or closed down intentionally by these destructive and predatory occupation forces and collaborating TFG militias. Such destruction of hospitals and medical facilities is forbidden and punishable by international law.

B) Destruction of Educational Institutions, facilities and programmes

Bulk of the educational institutions and basic social infrastructures such as mosques and Koranic schools, primary and secondary schools, institutes and universities, welfare institutions and networks have also been destroyed and disrupted by the Ethiopian occupation troops with their client TFG militias. The extent of such damages on these institutions and the resulting enormous negative impact on the educational system have not been yet counted or estimated. But for example 144 schools in six Districts of Mogadishu have been either destroyed, looted, or made military quarters, barracks, or defences by the occupation forces. Consequently, the education of 48,500 students has stopped during 2007 as they either fled from the city or moved into relatively safer areas without education (23). Another example is that the Mogadishu University was occupied and made a barrack by Ethiopian troops forcing over 2,000 students to flee and forgo their education in 2007. The education intake and attendance in the other 11 districts of Mogadishu have been drastically affected by the occupation brutalities with tens of thousands of students losing their education by either fleeing or staying at home for reasons of safety or lack of money to pay their fees (due to the general destruction of the economy) though their exact number has not yet been ascertained.

C) Destruction and Muzzling of Free Media and Basic Liberties

The free media especially radio stations such HornAfrik, Shabelle, Simba, Benadir, IQK Radio (Koranic Radio), etc. have intentionally attacked and their buildings and equipments partially destroyed or closed every now and then. The personnel of these media centres have also been killed, injured, detained or constantly threatened with death or intimidated. Virtual muzzling of the free media, which have flourished in Mogadishu during the last ten years or so, has happened. The Ethiopian troops, TFG militias or so-called National Security service have often rounded up the mangers and reporters of these radios and told them not to report about operations of the Ethiopian occupation forces and allied TFG militias, or the casualties they cause, the destruction they make, and the people they displaced. They want to carry out their war crimes in silence in the dark. Not only that, but 8 Somali journalists including the Managing Director of HornAfrik Media group, Mr. Ali Imam Sharmarke, and manager of the Capital Voice Radio of the same media group, Mr. Mahad Ahmed Elmi who were assassinated on 11 August 2007. At the time of writing several journalists are in detention including the manager of the Holy Koran radio, Sheikh Yusuf Ahmed Barrow. Several other members of the Civil society including Madina Mohamud Elmi (alias Madina General), a leading and dedicated social and humanitarian worker who was shot dead on 16 November 2007 while distributing relief food to the Mogadishu IDPS at along the Afgooye Road, for expressing their views and speaking for the plight of the Mogadishu population victimised by the Ethiopian occupation and TF militias.

Such War crimes and human rights violations against the media and journalists began after Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi visited Mogadishu on 5 May 2007. On the same date ‘media clampdown follows as a surprise visit by the Ethiopian prime Minister aimed at shoring up confidence in the Somali government’ (24). During the occupation 8 journalists have killed and about 70 journalists and vital support personnel have fled the country from the killings, injuries, detentions and death threats by the Ethiopian occupation troops and client TFG.

D) Clan-cleansing in Mogadishu

The Ethiopian government troops and the TFG have premeditatedly and deliberately targeted some districts of Mogadishu inhabited by certain clans and most people killed, displaced, dispossessed and subjected to collective starvation punishment belong to the these clans.

E) Grave Human Rights violations

Extensive and constant acts of killing, injuring and maiming, destruction of properties and Basis of livelihoods, looting, robbery, rape, ransom, displacing, starving and illegal arrest and detention, violation of fundamental liberties and natural human rights of the civilian population in Mogadishu without due process of law that have been rampant during 2007 and still go on unabated.

After the occupation started, rape has been one of the most serious and frequent crimes going on in Mogadishu. The first Ethiopian troops’ gang rape occurred in Mogadishu at El-Irfid north-east of the city on 13/3/2007 when 8 soldiers raped Subban Moallim Ali Geedi, a mother of eight children, and since then rape by Ethiopian troops and allied TF militias has been rampant or out of control as these forces embedded themselves with the population in the City and no raped woman or young girls or any other person dares to report about the crimes these forces are doing. Consequently, such rape spree by these forces must have been causing grievous bodily harm, diseases (including HIV/AIDS) and life-shattering for multitudes of Somali women and girls have neither local nor international protection.

F) Cost of Billions of Dollars

The cost of material damage, if we put aside the above detailed huge loss of lives, suffering and misery, can run into billions of dollars given the afore-said massive destruction and burning of homes, businesses, huge stocks of goods in markets, stores, shops, restaurants, bazaars and petty street trade and looting, robbing, ransoming, extortion of movable properties (cash, valuables such good, cars, phones, etc.) which have been done by the Ethiopian Troops with collaboration of TFG militias.

4. THE HIERARCHICAL ORDER OF THE COMMISSION OR OMISSION OF WAR CRIMES IN SOMALIA

4.1 Hierarchical Diagram Commission or Omission of war Crimes

The diagram below shows the hierarchical order of the drivers and supporters of the Ethiopian occupation and its war crimes who are or might be perpetrators and accomplices by commission or omission of such crimes in 2007 which still continue.

To start with, the US Administration - the sponsor and supporter of the Ethiopian invasion has either direct or indirect role in these war crimes. The Ethiopian regime top leaders (prime minister, defence and foreign ministers, and military commanders etc.) and at least the Somali TFG top leaders (president, prime minister, the speaker, deputy speakers, minister of interior, deputy defence minister, commanders of militias in 2007 and onwards) and the whole TFG body, which has been and is a Trojan horse for the Ethiopian regime’s invasion and occupation and war crimes, all taken together have first and direct roles in the commission of these crimes.

4.2 Denial of Displacement, Accusation of innocent IDPs and Obstruction of Relief Aid by TFG

At the outset, in January 2007, in premeditated way, president Abdullahi Yusuf, prime minister Ali M. Gedi, interior minister Mr. Mohamed Mohamoud Guled (Gacmadheere) and vice defence minister Salad Ali Jelle all repeatedly warned the Mogadishu population living in about 8-10 sq.kms. area (e.g. in Huriwaa, Heliwaa, Yaaqshid, Wardiigley, Hawlwadag, Hodan Dayniile (the mostly populated districts) to evacuate these districts otherwise they would be military targets. When the people turned deaf ears to such discriminatory or clan-cleansing order, indiscriminate carpet bombarding of the Ethiopian forces assisted by the TFG militias began on these areas. The first round of deliberate and discriminate bombardments on civilian built-up in these districts were carried out in March-April 2007 that resulted in thousands of deaths, injuries, and displacement over 400,000 civilians mostly women and children and massive destruction. While the UN acknowledged this massive exodus, these so-called Somali leaders dismissed it as only ‘40,000 who mostly returned’. Again when in May 2007 the UN Under-Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs visited Mogadishu and declared that a humanitarian disaster worse than that of Darfur has unfolded in Somalia. The TFG leaders denied this fact again. On 2o August 2007 Mohamed Omar Habeeb (Mohamed Dheere), the Warlord turned governor-cum-Mayor of Mogadishu went to the extreme and on record he repeatedly labelled against these helpless civilian IDPs (mostly women, children, sick and elderly) as ‘terrorists’ and ‘Alqaeda supporters’ and that ‘the international community is feeding terrorists’ (25). In addition, the Ethiopian occupation troops in collusion with the TFG top leadership and that governor-cum-mayor have been effectively obstructed any local and international relief aid to these starving IDPs.

4.3 The TFG – a Trojan Horse

It is to be recalled that the Imbagathi government, as the TFG is known, was installed by Ethiopia and Kenya in 2004 with the help of UN and western countries (EU member states, US, etc.) and which Ethiopia meant to be tool or a Trojan Horse through which to invade or control Somalia. Even so, the original and notorious clannish power-sharing formula of Four Point Five (four major clans and minority clans grouped as half) and the task of completing the reconciliation process was completely abandoned and disrupted by the Ethiopian government’s excessive interferences and direct orders through the obedient client president Abdullahi Yusuf and prime minister Ali Mohamed Gedi to pave the way for the upcoming invasion and occupation of Somalia. Another Ethiopia trick was to set these two individuals against each other so that they would compete for the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s favours and would not agree oppose to any of his plans and orders. In this competition for favours and in response to orders each of these two TFG leaders wrote a secret and separate letter of ‘invitation’ to the Ethiopian prime Minister to send in his troops to Somalia ostensibly to help the TFG establish law and order in the country. Meles Zenawi himself confirmed the existence of these letters to him (Media). When the invasion occurred, about 30 MPs including the Speaker Mr. Sharif Hassan Sh. Adan deserted the so-called parliament in protest and assumed the name Free Parliament Members seeking political asylum in Eritrea after Kenya arrested and threatened them for deportation to Mogadishu to be handed over the Ethiopian occupation troops. Eventually they have been replaced with pro-occupation unpatriotic and clueless individuals by the TFG and Ethiopian regime. Thereafter, the TFG and its 275 MPs, confined in Baidoa under Ethiopian tanks guard, have become a mere rubberstamp and mouthpiece to support and justify the Ethiopian occupation and its war crimes. See more information about TFG in my article on 3rd August 2006 entitled ‘Can TFG and ICC Work Together for Somalia’s Supreme Interest? and my another article on 12 January 2007 ‘Ethiopian Dreams to Conquer Somalia came through (posted in Somali websites)’ about how practically the Ethiopian regime single-handedly manipulated the Imbagathi (a place in the outskirts of Nairobi) ‘Somali National Reconciliation Conference’, the TFG’s formation and its work.

4.4 The Forced Dismissal of Prime Minister Gedi

As noted before, the Ethiopian regime pitted the TFG president Abdullahi Yusuf and prime minister Ali Mohamed Gedi against one another from the very outset to compete for his favours and orders. This Ethiopian divide and rule tactics has also been meant to avoid these two men not to agree to oppose any Ethiopian invasion and occupation and war crimes. Because of this Ethiopian engineered dispute, the TFG president and prime minister have been at logger-heads ever since the formation of the TFG with their personal and working relationship deteriorating from time to time to such situation that they could not meet or discuss any issue or matters relating to their work unless the Ethiopian Foreign minister or the commander of the occupation force brought them together to mediate or shuttled them taking messages from one to another.

The Ethiopian ruler preferred such continuous dispute between his two clients instead of resolving it or allowing the president to sack the prime minister and appoint another he could work with. Over time that bitter relationship between the men has been aggravated by scramble over money, oil deals (the president entered oil prospecting deal with China in Puntland and prime minister with Indonesia & Kuwaiti firms in South-central Somalia), tribalism and nominations on nepotistic appointments of posts, etc. and at last their feud reached its peak and came out publicly. The president’s overt argument was that the prime minister’s government failed in its tasks, its term was over, and should submit itself to parliament’s scrutiny and vote of confidence while the prime minister argued the opposite – that his government fulfilled its tasks, and a year or so left of its term and had no need for vote of confidence. In mid September 2007 the president ordered the arrest of the Supreme Court president Mr. Yusuf Ali Harun and a judge named Mohamed Nur who he believed would support the prime minister in the interpretation of the ensuing constitutional row over these issues although the reason was unbelievably ascribed to embezzlement in government described the number corrupt one in the world by Transparency International index 2007. In return, the prime minister ordered the detention of the attorney-general Mr. Abdullahi Dahir Barre and another judge who carried out the arrest and detention of the supreme court president and judge. Eventually, the president released from detention his supporters, namely, the attorney, Mr. Abdullahi Dahir Barre and the judge with while Mr. Yusuf Ali Harun, the president of the supreme court and another judge, who were supporters of prime minister Gedi, are still languishing in filthy dungeon in Mogadishu without due process of law.

Eventually the bitter dispute the president and prime minister spilled over to the parliament splitting it in the middle in support of the two men. At this point, according to inside source, the president threatened that he would dissolve the TFG institutions – government and parliament unless Ethiopian Prime Minister should cease his support to and restrain prime minister Gedi to stop the challenge or he (the president) take action. This threat was taken seriously by both the Ethiopian Prime Minister and US diplomats because if the TFG was to be dissolved, both would lose their Trojan Horse through which they conduct the ‘war on terror’ and pursue their objectives in Somalia. Thus, as usual the Ethiopian Prime minister summoned prime minister Gedi to Addis Ababa telling him to come before parliament in Baidoa for scrutiny and vote of confidence his for cabinet. Gedi came back to Mogadishu with more defiant mood for the first meeting with and showing sympathy the Mogadishu Hawiye Traditional and Unity Council which opposes and criticises both the Ethiopian occupation forces’ and TFG militias’ war crimes. After this meeting, he went to such an extra length as to call publicly on the population of Mogadishu ‘to defend ourselves from our weak government (TFG) and you can defeat us as you had defeated the stronger government of President Mohamed Siad Barre!’(26). Such seditious statement alarmed both Ethiopians and perhaps the Americans. So, Gedi was summoned once again in a week to Addis Ababa and after meeting with Ethiopian Prime Minister and US diplomats (including the ambassador to Kenya) he was ordered to go back to Baidoa, stop incitement to the public, challenge to the TFG president and resign immediately. Upon return to Baidoa on 29 October 2007 Gedi had tendered his resignation and left the country as part of an undisclosed deal. But there have been no tears shed and love lost between him and the Somali people especially the population of Mogadishu.

Gedi’s departure, signalled the beginning of a complete disarray and paralysis of the TFG and its inevitable disintegration emanating not only from his resignation but a total lack of creditability, legitimacy, moral authority, and popular support (if it ever has had any), and for being a traitor entity that has taken (and is taking) part in the following treacherous and horrible acts:

a) ‘invitation’, consent and collaboration with the Ethiopian invasion, occupation and participation in the commission of war crimes against Somali people;

b) obstruction of relief aid from starving one million people displaced from Mogadishu and many more hundreds of thousands of needy people in other regions by the same occupation and TFG itself, and failure to stop or speak out against the Ethiopian troops horrendous war crimes against the Somali people or dissociate itself from the participating and justifying the occupation and its crimes;

c) changing and upsetting the original Four Point Five (four big clans and minority clans wrongly assessed as half clan) tribal power-sharing formula on which the TFG was founded;

d) contempt for, abandonment and obstruction of the much needed national reconciliation process;

e) total lack of initiation and implementation of even one project of the badly needed public and social services in the three years and more of its existence;

f) failure to establish minimum peace, security and control in the capital and only spot of the country as a whole or even to be able to protect itself (TFG). For example, in January 2007 (when the occupation started) there were 130 illegal roadblocks in the south-central regions far from Mogadishu and none in the Capital and nearby regions and in December 2007 there were 336 illegal roadblocks in the south-central regions and in and around Mogadishu (27). In Contrast, during in their six months rule in the capital and most of the south-central regions of Somalia, the Islamic Courts wiped out the worst piracy prevailing in the Somali ocean and sea by Somali pirates who hijacked international and Somali ships carrying commercial goods or international relief aid destined to needy Somalis for huge ransom sums. But during the one year (from December 2006 – December 2007) Somalia has been under the Ethiopian occupation and its client TFG piracy has returned and become rampant in Somali ocean and sea waters with unprecedented rise. In this period there have been 31 attacks on ships and 154 hostages taken off the Somali waters (28); and

h) indulgence in the highest of degree corruption and misgovernance (financial misappropriation, hasty scramble of giving illegal and secret contractual concessions to foreign firms to prospect and extract Somali’s common national wealth of oil and minerals deposits by the TFG president and prime ministr for their personal appropriation, etc.) which earned Somalia, and in this case the TFG, for such dishonourable definition as ‘Somalia is the most corrupt country in the world’ by the transparency International Index 2007(29).

Instead of speaking for the plight of their people, the TFG leaders collaborate with the Ethiopian inimical collective punishment policy of genocide through bombardments bullets, destruction of the economy and basic livelihoods of the people, displacement and obstruction of local and international relief aid. During the year of occupation, the TFG leadership, who act on Ethiopian orders especially those by occupation force commander, have been systematically intentionally and obstructing the local and international agencies relief aid to reach the displaced and starving million and more people. As already ready noted earlier, Mohamed Omar Habeb (Mohamed Dheere) - the warlord turned to governor-cum-mayor of Mogadishu, has been timely and again labelling these starving popluation who are of over 85 per cent composed of women, children, elderly and sick as ‘terrorists’ and ‘Alqaeda supporters’ and accusing humanitarian agencies that ‘they are feeding ‘terrorists’. The TFG president has the same view about these starving IDPs and he competes ignores the existence of such million and more starving IDPs and the mass destruction of the economy of the Mogadishu let alone the mass genocide. ON 13 November 2007 At press conference in Nairobi, President Abdullahi Yusuf, when asked about the UN declared one Somali million IDPs and the humanitarian catastrophic situation which developed to ‘the worst in the world’, evasively and arrogantly replied ‘when two elephants fight, the grass suffers’ and then assessed the current Somali situation as ‘Today, it is the best time that Somalia has seen in the last 17 years’. That tells you everything about him and the rest of the TFG leadership.

Therefore, the TFG is totally paralysed, dysfunctional, traitor and Ethiopian piggy-back entity under confined to Baidoa under Ethiopian troops guard after more than three years of its existence and undoubtedly in the rest of its remaining less than two years term. One TFG high-ranking security officer admitted publicly that the ‘TFG does not control 80% of the country’ (Dayniile.com). New York Times quotes one western diplomat who said ‘This government doesn’t control one inch of the territory from Kenya border up to Mogadishu’ (30). The TFG security officer’s estimation suggesting it controls 20 per cent of the country is absolutely fictitious and the western diplomat’s insinuation that TFG has jurisdiction somewhere in the country between Kenyan border and Mogadishu is also a guess but not reality. The unarguable truth is that, of the whole country, the TFG has not jurisdiction and control even over three square kilometre area. Its president, prime minister and ministers are guarded by in and ferried to and from Baidoa and Mogadishu by armoured Ethiopian cars and troops. The Mps confined in Baidoa are also guarded by Ethiopian troops assisted by some militias.

This is the sort of TFG that the international accords unqualified recognition and support and expects to be able enter serious and credible talk with the opposition to undertake a broad and inclusive genuine reconciliation dialogue to resolve the protracted crisis and the current Ethiopian driven out-of-hand conflict in order to bring about a national political settlement in Somalia. On the part of the international involved actors, does not this position seem a wishful thinking based on dangerous ill-advice by someone (e.g. Ethiopia) and/or complete lack of the real reading and pertinent perspective of what is going in Somalia, if not conscious neglect of it and its people?

4.5. Appointment of New prime Minister

In late November 2007, in ex-premier Gedi’s place, president Abdullahi Yusuf appointed Mr. Nur Hassan Hussein (alias Nur Adde – Nur the white one) as prime minister. Mr. Nur Hassan, a former police colonel with vast police and judiciary experience, who has stayed out the quagmire of the civil war during the 17 years after the collapse of the Somali central government, and has been the General Secretary of the Somali Red Crescent Society during that period. For his long career Mr. Nur Hassan has been known as decent man who has kept himself out of controversial issues and political limelight as well. First he formed a cabinet made up of 32 ministers and similar number of deputy ministers but for fear of not securing approval for it from the parliament, and reportedly, advice from the international donors countries, he disbanded that cabinet and appointed new leaner made up of 18 ministers and with similar number of deputy ministers for which he obtained approval from the parliament on 9 January 2008 owing to support by international community whose delegation has travelled to Baidoa to get that approval from the MPs in exchange that they would be paid regularly.

Prime Minister Nur Hassan has publicly announced that his government immediate priority policies are to undertake measures of establishing security of the country, humanitarian delivery to the IDPs and other needy population, and national reconciliation political talks by talking with the opposition (whether they are the Alliance for Re-liberation for Somalia, fighting insurgents, the Hawiye Transitional and Unity Council, civil society, etc.) to resolve the crisis and the way for national political settlement. But whether the new prime minister will be able to deliver these important promises will depend on a number of factors, namely, he has the courage and dtermination to pursue these set of policies, if or not he gets support and co-operation from the Ethiopian government for programme, and if the international community proactively and concertedly supports him while especially persuading Ethiopia to give way to the new to move forward to carry out its programme. But I think the biggest constraint to Mr. Nur Hassan’s government and its declared programme will the Ethiopian government and the TFG president who unlikely to give chance to this new prime minister given their dictatorial mentality and pre-planned policies to crush and subdue Mogadishu and particularly to cleanse and settle accounts with sections of the population in south-central regions for their incompliance of such policies against them. If bit elaborated, such constraints can be the following:

a) Ethiopian regime’s objection to any genuine national reconciliation (as it has its own tested Somali politicians in the TFG) and as such tried and trusted leaders in the TFG cabinet and the MPs with continued presence of Ethiopian occupation troops and barring armed opposition from political participation which points when combined can be the best guarantee for Ethiopia to prevent any investigation of their war crimes and ensure achievement of their real objectives of avoiding viable and united Somali central government but vassal regions under the behest of Ethiopian rulers;

b) the TFG president, Mr. Abdullahi Yusuf’s vehement objection to any talk with the armed opposition especially with the Alliance for Re-liberation which includes the Islamic courts and his illness give room for speculation and uncertainty that further may weaknesses accelerate the disintegration of the TGF as a whole of the situation has already one of stead deterioration and paralysis;

c) absence of Somali security forces on which the new prime minister and his team can rely on and total dependence on Ethiopian occupation troops for their own security personal let alone to establish security for Mogadishu or the country; and

d) international community unrealistic proposition that the TFG should move forward to general elections in 2009 which presupposes marginalisation or exclusion of the armed and unarmed opposition including the Alliance for the Re-liberation for Somalia, the insurgents, the Hawiye Traditional and Unity Council, the Civil society, etc.

Given these formidable constraints and uncertainty, it is quite difficult, if not impossible, for the new prime minister and his cabinet to make a breakthrough politics and succeed in the international community’s unrealistic plan to restore normalcy in the country and hold general elections in 2009. Therefore, any unrealistic plan of forceful pacification of the country and then proceeding to a final stage of holding democratic elections would be doomed if a genuine national political reconciliation conference and inclusive political settlement vigorously and concertedly supported and pursued by the international community would not precede that.

6. INVOLVED FOREIGN COUNTRIES: US, UN, AU, AND EU INACTION AND COMPILCITY

From day one to-date, the UN and its Security Council has failed to mention such Ethiopian illegal and aggressive invasion and occupation of Somalia that among other international laws, violated the UN Charter and UN Security Council Resolution No. 1725 (November 2006) let alone to take action on the afore-said mass genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed unabatedly by this inimical occupation forces. So are the rest of the international community including the US – the sponsor and staunch supporter of the Ethiopian occupation and its war crimes, AU, EU, and the International Contact Group on Somalia. These states and organisations can be accomplices in their political, financial or military support for the Ethiopian occupation or its client TFG –primary perpetrators, and for failing to stop this occupation, recognise these crimes and hold the Ethiopian government and the TFG accountable. In contrast, the political leaders and officials of these countries and organisations speak out against and recognise the genocide and human rights violations in Darfur (Sudan) which are proportionally lower and less severe than those in Somalia or they even hastened their condemnations and sanctions against Burma authorities where a mere ten people were killed in recent demonstrations while none of these leaders raised an eyebrow about such heinous crimes and humanitarian catastrophe prevailing in Somalia for a complete year. What a travesty of justice and poverty of morality and humane conscience!

Below I outline the positions taken by the various foreign governments, regional and international organisations, how they have been helping Somalia in its hour of need or contributing to the prolongation of its agony and plight of its people, for all to know and for historical record.

6.1 The US Wages ‘War on Terror’ in Somalia

The US Administration has been obviously waging (‘War on Terror’) in Somalia rather than helping the TFG or Somali people to come out the of this protracted turmoil. For this end it has sponsored and supports the Ethiopian aggressive and illegal invasion and occupation of Somalia with finances, military logistics, air and sea cover and reconnaissance, political, diplomatic and propaganda. This multisided support not only enables the Ethiopian occupation to continue and commit grave war crimes and human rights violations but also gives it effective covered-up as something that never happened or exists in Somalia. ‘The wire services do not talk about a Ethiopian occupation of Somalia, and they refer to the local Somali collaborators - as the transitional federal government. This is mainly in deference to the United States, which organised and backed the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia’.(31) The piggy-back TFG serves both the US and Ethiopian governments as a tool and cover-name for this dirty ‘War on terror’ in such a way that Ethiopian troops are called ‘friendly forces invited by the Somali government to help establish security and stability in Somalia’ while there has never been legal invitation nor the least of security and stability established since the occupation started except creation of unprecedented insecurity, destabilisation and mayhem.

This US-backed Ethiopian proxy war in Somalia is yet another foreign policy adventure of the current US administration’s ‘war on terror’ in the Muslim world. The proof is that there are no US discernible and concrete political, security and economic commitment for Somalia except strong support for the barbaric and predatory Ethiopian occupation and defence of its crimes. Such lack of constructive and peace promotion policy and commitment in Somalia on the part of the US Administration is further evinced by the provocative, non-reconciliatory, and non-committal statements by its diplomats dealing with Somali affairs. To begin with the US ambassador to Kenya, he often makes unhelpful and provocative statements such as ‘terrorism’, ‘Al-Qaeda presence’ in Somalia and a couple of months ago he remarked that ‘people fighting Ethiopian troops are those do not want establishment of government in Somalia’(32). Jendayi Fraser’s, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, (some say she is Rastafarian adherent biased to Ethiopia vis-à-vis Somalia), statements on Somali crisis and attitudes to the Somali opposition are often equally offensive and non-reconciliatory. For example, she called ‘a bunch of terrorists’ the anti-Ethiopian occupation Somali opposition that was meeting in Asmara in September 2007 and in regard to the UN declaration that Somali humanitarian crisis has been worse than Darfur and the worst in the world, Fraser denied that by saying ‘I think that it isn’t like Darfur. I think what needs to be done is we need to put as an international community, we need to address the fact there are still extremists and terrorists, sitting in Asmara, spoilers, the extremists and insurgents’ (33). when asked about the drivers of the fighting in Somalia, she replied ‘The insurgents are responsible’ without mentioning the Ethiopian occupation and depicting the TFG as blameless legitimate government to be obeyed (34) and on another occasion she thought ‘Somalia became haven for terrorists’ (35), about the Somali critics of the July-August 2007 deceptive and fraudulent ‘Somali National reconciliation Conference’ in Mogadishu, she termed them as ‘spoilers of Somali peace process’. Also Robert Gates, the Defence Secretary, said ‘My biggest concern about Somalia is the potential for Al-qaeda to be active there’ adding that the US is ‘very interested to in helping the African and Ugandans to try and exercise some constructive influence on the Ethiopians’ (36) as if these countries brought Ethiopian troops in Somalia or have any leverage on them. The US Envoy for Somalia, John Yates, is silent but seems to be somewhat frank by once describing the Somali situation as ‘fairly dismal’ and recognising the ‘lack of confidence in the transitional federal government in its capacity to carry forward’ (37). At the 5 January 2008 Horn of Africa and Great Lakes region conference in Addis Ababa, Condoleezza Rice, US Secretary of State, without coming up any concrete proposals on the Somali crisis that reached its worst peak and daily inches to the worst of the worst, stated ‘We do believe the Ethiopian forces should not have to stay in Somalia past a certain point, and that will require peacekeeping forces, very robust force, and so that will be part of any discussions here’ (38). What certain point the Ethiopian occupation should not pass? Or should there be genuine inclusive political dialogue and peace conference before deploying such peacekeeping robust force? These are, of course, matters known only to her and the Ethiopian Prime Minister on behalf of the Somalis.

These non-reconciliatory, unconstructive and non-committal remarks and statements are obviously in justification and defence of the ‘war on terror’ and proxy force rather than helping resolve the Somali crisis and suffering. Yet, without positive policy and measures to create hope and make space for the Somali people and its real stake-holders, these diplomats speak about Somali ‘moderates’ and vainly call ‘it is time for Somali moderates to come forward and work to end chronic violence’ (39) in a country whose people have been impoverished and radicalised even more by the deadly and destructive effects of the Ethiopian occupation. A question begs, could the Americans help Ethiopian troops to withdraw without conditions, stop non-reconciliatory language, and take concrete and positive steps to restore hope for Somali people and space to breathe in so that moderation could return? One has to wait and see that if Americans have a will to do that or not.

Back in October 2007 the US House Committee of Foreign Affair, having seen the humanitarian and human rights violations in Somalia reported by the Human Rights Watch (USA) and other sources and heard US State Department officials, concluded that ‘Ethiopian troops indiscriminately bombarded insurgent strongholds with barrage of ‘Kayuusha’ rockets, mortars and artillery, making no apparent distinctions between civilians and insurgent targets’ and recommended to the US Administration to ‘abandon its current policy of what amounts to ‘silent diplomacy’ on human rights issues, which has yielded to no tangible dividends. Press for full, independent investigations of human rights abuses in Ethiopia’s Somali region (Ogaden) and violations of the laws of war in Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia’ and ‘publicly call for Ethiopia to support independent investigations into and accountability for on going human rights abuses committed by the Ethiopian military in Somali region and Mogadishu’ (40). But so far, the US Administration obviously has not heeded these damning judgement and recommendations by the House, and Ethiopia does not relent its war crimes commission in Somalia, or Ogaden either, which the same House dealt with and made similar recommendations to the US Government and that of Ethiopia.

6.2 The US Serial political Follies and Failures in Somalia

a) The US policy Towards Somalia in recent years has been haphazard one fraught with Serial follies and failures. The first US folly was in 1992-1995 when US led military intervention - first unilateral ’Operation Restore Hope’ and later turned to UNISOM - avowedly for humanitarian reasons ended in failure due to ill-advised political bias of antagonising General Aideed and his SNA faction and hunting him down as the only wrongdoer instead of showing neutrality and winning them as the 1992 US Special Envoy Robert Oakley and UN Special Representative Mohamed Sahnun were successfully trying before they were dismissed for their good diplomatic tactics which were yielding tangible results. Unnecessarily at least 18 US marines and thousands of Somalis were killed in that bungled intervention. President Bill Clinton was so smart enough to pull US forces out and wind up the entire peacekeeping programme to avert unnecessary further blood shed and destruction by a misguided mission. The ‘Black-Hawk Film’ captures that unfortunate episode as the first US failure in Somalia.

b) The second US Folly was the ill-advised CIA’s March-June 2006 ‘Operation Dung Beetle’ that assembled the brutal and hated Somali warlords, who for 16 years massacred and terrorised the Somali people and ruined the country, into what was called ‘The Council for Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism – CRPCT – a great misnomer) and funding them to fight the hitherto weak and low profile loose network of Somali Islamic Courts Union (ICU) in Mogadishu. The population of Mogadishu, which were provided with basic social and welfare services by the ICU, instantaneously supported it as they perceived the warlords and the CIA plan as one against Islam. Suddenly, the weak and divided ICU emerged united, strong and victorious defeating the warlords and taking over Mogadishu and expanding their jurisdiction to many other regions in south-central Somalia – Lower Shabelle, Middle Shabelle, Hiiraan, Galgadud, Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba, and parts of Bay region and parts of Galmudug. They quickly established law and order, security and justice which were unknown in these regions during the previous 16 years or so. They also began rehabilitation programmes including repairing and reopening Mogadishu Port and Airport which had been closed since 1991. Unfortunately, Islamic Courts’ six months long rule and its positive gains of returning the elusive law and order in Mogadishu and most of the south-central regions of the country, the equally long lacking justice and functioning public services and rehabilitation of economic infrastructures, were ended by the US-backed Ethiopian invasion which toppled the Islamic Courts rule in late December 2006. This was the second US failure in Somalia which most Somalis still resent.

c) The third US folly was when the US turned to its Plan B to open another ‘war on Terror’ front in Somalia using Ethiopia as proxy force to fight misconceived ‘Islamic terrorism’ here. According one Ethiopian political commentator the assertion of “jihadist menace in the Horn of Africa – ‘the New Talibans‘– is a figment of Zenawi’s imagination.’(41) for which he had campaigned three years prior to persuade the US to open a new front of ‘War on terror’ in Somalia and draft him as a junior partner in such war. Undoubtedly, Meles Zenawi was pursuing Ethiopia’s centuries old traditional enmity and territorial claim over Somalia. Eventually, the two conspired Somalia – the first pursuing its ‘war on terror’ policy and geopolitical interests, and the second its old dreams to annex Somalia or part of it (e.g., a sea outlet) and/or carve it into vassal regions controlled from Addis Ababa. The illegitimate Ethiopian pick-aback TFG was the tool that both Ethiopia and the US used and still use to achieve these respective objectives. After one year the result of the US-backed Ethiopian occupation is - Mogadishu city physically, economically and socially lies in ruins; one million residents displaced; and 225,51 civilians mostly of women and children killed directly and indirectly, and 12,516 injured, and 8,436 disabled (See Tables A, B, and C under sub-sections 3.2 and 3.3 above) making the Somali capital Mogadishu a ghost city inhabited by 56,000 Ethiopian troops replacing the population they killed or displaced by force of arms looting and robbing whatever remained their money and movable properties, raping women and girls by the dozen to with impunity in and in complete silence as nobody can report to the outside world as these victims fear for their lives and families. The result is unarguable third US failure in Somalia.

d) What about the new US shift of policy to Somaliland? On 3 December 2007 while visiting Djibouti the Defence Secretary, Robert Gates, said ‘My concern about Somalia is the potential for Alqaeda to be active there’(42). Other Pentagon officials also expressed desire to have ties with Somaliland as ‘Somaliland is an entity that works’ which ‘should be independent’ so that ‘we should build up parts that are functional and box in’ volatile south-central Somalia in contrast to ‘Department’s failed policy to fix the broken part first.’(43). Is this new policy shift and sudden love with Somaliland a genuine gesture to help Somaliland to achieve recognition and development, or is it just to exploit Somaliland’s desperation for recognition taking advantage of South Somalia’s turmoil to acquire the strategic and important Berbera Port and Airport facilities as US military base to carry on the ill-advised and counterproductive ‘war on terror’ in the Horn especially Somalia? Given the above failures in South-central Somalia, if the Pentagon’s new-found love Somaliland is supported by the State Department it may also backfire to the US and bring about a US fourth folly and failure in Somali politics? But that remains to be seen.

I do not like to see the people in Somaliland to remain an indefinite limbo and isolation without international development assistance pending recognition as they have been in the last 17 years. During that period the southern-central Somalia has been in endless conflict and turmoil while Somaliland has been in peace and security as well as practising experimental political democratisation through local, parliamentarian and presidential elections on several occasions that so far have been considerably successful. I think it would be good and wise idea on the part of the international community to grant socio-economic development assistance funds for Somaliland which greatly benefit its people without tying political strings such as that it is not internationally recognised state. In today’s world where international law is so easily breached by major powers, why are not giving developmental funds to be provided to Somaliland without attaching the conditionality of recognition or South Somalia for lack of functioning government? Why the international aid is applied in international law whereas it is breached in invading and destroying whole countries (e.g. Iraq, Somalia)?

As for Somaliland’s separation and independence from the rest of Somalia, I think the unity of a nation should not achieved by force of arms but through voluntary, democratic and legal means. The 1960 Union between British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland or Somalia (as it was variously called) came through voluntary, democratic and legal means. First, immediately after the independence the two parliaments sat down and decided that the two territories should unite and later in 1961 a popular referendum was held for the population of the two territories in which their union and new unity constitution was voted and approved. Therefore, I think that in a similar way that the people in Somaliland and the people in the rest of Somalia be given a chance to express their opinion in popular a referendum to decide the issue of secession of Somaliland, whereby if the majority of the people in both parts of Somalia, or at least the population within Somaliland vote either separation or in a decentralised unity could satisfy the necessary voluntary, democratic and legal requirements to resolve this issue that has paramount importance for the future destiny of the Somali Nation rather than in unilateral secession or forced unity. In the eventuality of secession of Somaliland or any other parts of Somalia, small and weak ‘independent’ Somali mini-states in the Somali Peninsula would be vulnerable prey to Ethiopian expansionist infringement and inevitable absorption.

The above narrated US policy towards Somalia could be seen by Somalis that the US intends to help create a cantonization concurring with the Ethiopian sinister designs intentionally or unintentionally. One US acknowledged US academic and analyst of Somalia who closely follows and writes about Somalia’s crisis, wrote ’As a political community, Somalia has disintegrated. The country has now reached the limit of its devolutionary cycle, which began in December 2006, when Ethiopia mounted a military intervention that ousted the Islamic Courts Council (ICC) from control over most southern and central Somalia. As strategy, the outlines of which have been floated by some strategists in the US military, would be to cantonize Somalia in order to isolate and encircle its most unstable regions, that would involve as its central feature diplomatic recognition of Somaliland and an abandonment of the TFG and of any possibility of a Somali state’. Cantonization is a simply return to pre-Courts Somalia, as are continued support for a collapsed T.F.G and pulling back. There is no present actionable strategy that does not lead back to devolution.’(44) Because as the author of this quotation truly says Somalia returned to the pre-Islamic Courts cantonization under the US-backed and supervised Ethiopian occupation during 2007.

Why such US serial follies and failures in Somalia? Because, I think that in all these cases of intervention, the US have been ill-advised and/or driven by global geopolitical strategic imperatives which are put before the interests of Somalia. Consequently, it is common knowledge that in the end such interventions deconstructs but not constructs. But what about such values as morality, human rights and democracy which the US establishment professes and preaches? In the current US Neo-Con policy these social values which underpin the very foundations of the Western capitalist liberal democracy matter only at the domestic level but in foreign policy it seems that they are evoked just as pretext slogans for intervention and afterwards these slogans are forgotten (e.g. Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, etc.) Despite that the US-backed Ethiopian occupation and its TFG collaborators left no stone unturned in Somalia and so many war crimes and human rights violations committed, the three US wanted alleged terrorists Fazul Abdullah Mohamed, Abu Taha Al-Sudani, and Saleh Ali Saleh, accused of the bombing of US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in August 1998, have not yet been found. The first was reported killed and again reported that he was not killed by the Americans themselves. How one can explain that these tree individuals who were pretext for or motivated the US-backed Ethiopian invasion and occupation were not caught or their whereabouts still unknown after so much combing search in the country, and collective punishment of mass massacres, destruction, displacement and starvation?

6.3 UN position, Views and Role in Somali Crisis

As already noted, the UN Security Council has absolutely failed to condemn and stop the Ethiopian invasion, occupation and war crimes in Somalia which breaches the UN Charter and the international law or hold Ethiopia and TFG accountable. Instead it collaborated with this occupation and its horrible war crimes through the TFG – a Trojan horse of the Ethiopian troops. Why? Because the UN has became a rubberstamp of the wishes of the most powerful states in the Security Council especially the US. The Secretary-General who is the highest official of the UN has not dared to put his firm proposal to the Security Council to condemn and stop such invasion and occupation or investigate its war crimes. Nor he suggested to the same Council a UN peacekeeping force to replace such illegal and killer/destroyer Ethiopian occupation. Instead, since April 2007 he has been advocating for the strange idea that Somalia needs ‘a coalition of the willing’ and that UN peacekeeping force is not ‘realistic and viable’ which can only be interpreted that interested countries, besides Ethiopia, should come forward and bring the Somali people to their knees whether the cost. On 20 December 2007 when the UN Security Council was discussing peace-keeping force for Somalia, the Secretary-General defiantly re-iterated his alone proposal for ‘coalition of the willing’ but the Council overruled and instructed him to prepare a plan for UN peace-keeping for Somalia. Could he differ from or defy the UN Security Council unless he has not a green-light and backing from powerful members in it? No, absolutely. Will he prepare in time and support strongly the UN peacekeeping force as instructed to make it happen or not? That remains to be seen. In a word, the UN has been funding and staunchly supporting the TFG of which the name Ethiopia occupied Somalia and committed the above described horrendous crimes. So the question is, are the UN Chief and Security Council members accomplices of these war crimes or not? Since nobody is above them, it depends on their conscience to judge their mistakes and rectify them and at least to hold the Ethiopian and TFG culprits accountable or not.

Since his recent appointment the Special Representative of the UN Secretary-general, Ahemdou Ould-Abdallah, unlike his predecessor, François Fall, has shown frankness and a lot of good-will and as well as less leaning on the TFG. For example, he admitted that a million civilian people have displaced from and within Mogadishu, 6,000 killed in Mogadishu and crimes committed against the Somalia civilians which annoyed the Ethiopian prime minister to call those UN statements as ‘exaggerated’ and ‘hype’